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Book description

Aykut Kansu’s The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey is a historiographically-conscious text that seeks to challenge traditional interpretations of the Young Turk Revolution. His overarching argument, as the title would suggest, is that the 1908 Revolution was indeed a revolution, and not merely a restoration of the 1876 Constitution, because it fundamentally altered the political and economic dynamics of the Ottoman Empire. He bases this on the idea that while the 1876 Constitution was never intended to end absolutism, the 1908 Revolution accomplished this goal and, moreover, engendered a drive towards a protectionist, nationalist economy (although he does not really address this latter idea in detail in the book). As such, he postulates that historians who have considered questions of continuity and discontinuity have focused too narrowly on 1923 and should instead look to 1908, an era that has been dismissed or glossed over in most studies. Modernity theorists, meanwhile, have dwelled too much on external catalysts for change and the field as a whole has ignored internal factors in national development.As Kansu is concerned with challenging “traditional” knowledge about the period and criticizes the superficial ways in which previous historians have studied it, most of his chapters begin with a simple, yet well-throughout-out argument that is then supported with copious amounts of evidence. Rather than haphazardly raising these challenges, however, he attempts to present a chronological narrative of the lead up to the revolution and its aftermath and develops each chapter around a historiographical intervention. His first body chapter, for example, argues that the 1906-1907 Tax Revolts, seen traditionally as having been directed by bureaucrats and the military, were actually influenced to a significant degree by the Committee for Union and Progress (CUP) and had genuine popular support and inertia. From this point the author tells a fairly straightforward story of how these disturbances came about and expanded into broad-based civil disobedience. Along the way, however, he not only presents clear evidence of CUP involvement and popular dissatisfaction, but draws in a wide variety of sources and evidence to produce a rich and nuanced understanding of the events. Continuing the theme of highlighting previously ignored popular support, in his next chapter Kansu argues that military unrest prior to the Revolution was not constrained to the officer corps, but also affected the rank and file. These individuals were, furthermore, influenced and often controlled by the CUP.The author then moves on to the aftermath of the Revolution, arguing for a total disruption of the state apparatus and purges on a massive scale, which contradict the traditional perception of 1908 having been “reform from above”. He provides evidence of internal resistance to these changes, as well as influence from the population in determining the nature of new appointments. Kansu’s final two chapters look at the elections that followed the revolution, which, due to a lack of study, most people have assumed were fairly uncontested. Press reports from the era, however, suggest otherwise, and the author attempts to provide a more nuanced account of the process. His penultimate chapter sets the scene by examining the ways in which new ideals of citizenship for the country impacted party formation and the voting blocs. Attempting to dismantle religious hierarchies, the CUP absorbed their functions and attempted to take over their community functions, such as education. Most minority communities, however, resented this intrusion and opposed the new citizenship changes that were based in the Turkish ethnicity. Their reasons for and methods of opposition, however, were not unified, which prevented them from overwhelming the CUP as a political force. Prince Sabahaddin attempted to draw them into a party based around decentralization, as opposed to the CUP’s centralizing policies that stripped the minority communities of their autonomy, but most minority candidates decided to challenge the CUP independently, which left Sabahaddin’s Liberal Union unorganized and lacking support from the provinces. The CUP on the other hand, although unpopular, did not face a strong opposition and was well-organized, thus winning with what seemed to be mass support. Through a meticulous look at the composition of this first parliament, however, Kansu demonstrates that the CUP had only about 54 delegates out of 241 members that it could count on, yet this minority was able to wield power because the approximately 147 independent deputies failed to make strategic alliances, while the 74 monarchist representatives were too poorly organized to challenge the CUP.In The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey, therefore, the arguments are simple, yet innovative, and the evidence is abundant. On one hand, this makes the book accessible and useful for specialists and non-specialists alike, since it is easy to figure out what he is attempting to say, and he is repetitive enough on this main points that no one should complain that his points are unclear. On the other, it makes it very easy to get lost within the evidence, as this is directed more towards specialists and individuals who are familiar enough with the names, places, and events that are relevant to the period. The author, therefore, assumes a fair degree of background knowledge and rarely pauses to allow the reader to catch their breath. In short, this book is a very in-depth study of a narrow time period that fleshes it out in as much detail as one could hope for, yet never loses site of the basic arguments, almost all of which are important, evidence-based interventions in the traditional historiography. Nevertheless, his contention that 1908 was revolutionary because it ended absolutism is weakened somewhat by the election results, which seem to suggest that the changes were revolutionary only those who were Turkish and living in Anatolia, as the rest of the empire’s subjects do not seem to have had their lives impacted greatly by these developments. Overall, this text is essential read for any scholar of the Ottoman Empire and is quick and engaging, so long as one does not allow themselves to become bogged down by the author’s impressive breadth of evidence.

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